Ethnic power sharing as a means of living together is not an end to conflict solution; but could be taken as one of the contemporary mean’s. It offers a classification of power-sharing models, and it includes examples of various approaches in practice.
The conclusion for practitioners is to recognize that power sharing may be desirable, and necessary, as an immediate exit to deadly conflicts, especially those fought in the name of ethnic identity. In the long run, however, rigid power sharing is not a durable solution to intractable conflicts. Ideally, power sharing should fade away over time, as trust builds and the uncertainty of more “normal” majority rule democracy becomes acceptable. At the same time, practitioners should think innovatively about options that can allow such an evolution from formal sharing of power — often by exclusive ethnic groups — to a more socially inclusive and integrated form of representation.
In Afghanistan, for example, following the fall of the Taliban, international mediators worked hard at the Bonn negotiations in December 2001 to ensure that the transitional government under interim (now permanent) leader Hamid Karzai was broadly representative of the major ethnic groups in this highly diverse and long-conflicted country. In Ivory Coast, French mediators have brokered a pact in early 2003 to end that country’s civil war; rebel commanders eventually took up appointments in a restoration of cabinet.
If we try to see the case of Lebanon share of power, it is based on their religion; which they think is a kind of solution to the mater. Since the government of Lebanon don’t want to aggravate the conflict b/n religious groups; no official census has been taken since 1932.
When we get back to our case, The government seems to be very conscious and want the our comes of the census. Ethnicity based census, would defiantly convey a question of majority and minority. Which we, all should bear the outcomes of the consequences.
Ethnicity (identity) interest and question starting to flourish in recent years. In fact , it is very natural that one loves his identity than the other. But; making it as a political achievement might bring a danger even for the political junta’s. Though a lot well designed researches could be developed, few recommendations have been designed here, as far as majority and minority group’s question should be entertained.
Ethiopian ethnicity census proportion varies slightly over the years, but not significantly affect the following ambitious split. Ambitious Ethiopian ethnic split of power formula is necessary as long as influential Commanding posts should be shared among Ethiopians, as a starting means of living together.
Therefore, ideally it is a good, if the following proportion of power is implemented:
1. The Prime Minster – Oromo (34.49% of the population.)
2. The Foreign Affairs Mister – Amhara (26% )
3. The Deputy Prime Minister – Somali (6.20%)
4. Defense Minster -Tigray (6.07 %)
5. Minster of Economy & Finance -Sidama (4.01%)
6. Minister for Capacity Building -Gurage (2.53%)
7. Speakers of house representatives –Welayta (2.31%) and etc.
Few years ago, there was a theory called “a region, convicted by the civil war allocation”. I guess this theory should end now. As others, would like to step up, the premier position.
According to this formula most ministerial positions are already occupied with these listed and continued positions. Moreover these shares could be revised depending up on ethnicity groups concession (not manipulative concession 😉 but may be by their past experiences and etc.. In addition, True Federalism (not only based up on ethnicity) could lead to the proper share of power, as Federalism is a shared power between national and provincial (state) governments.
Professor Mesfin W/Mariam also suggested other forms of power sharing among Ethnicities. May be professor suggestion resembles to that of Derg’s theory. Derg, means “committee” or “council”. Leading a country by a committee or a council would result in un-endless discussions over a single matter. Moreover, what Ethiopians lack is not a committee; but fair political game.